Global Afrikan Economic Straits: Origins

It is important to remember that throughout Global Afrikan history, inclusive of continental Black Afrika, Austronesia, Melanesia and the Americas, prior to the predatory expansion of European Nation-states, nations and kingdoms kept the domestic sector separate from the international sector of their political economy. The international sector was small and dominated by the national leaders, generally focused on the trade of a natural resource(s) that was little valued in accordance with the culturally shaped tastes and needs of the people with those tastes and needs being met largely internally. 

This separation of the domestic sector- food, housing, shelter, value determination [price] etc., from the international sector is a prerequisite for free and independent Global Afrikan nations. The international sector becomes the dominant sector of a nation following conquest, at which point the conqueror reorganizes the political economy of the conquered state, expropriating those resources [human & natural] from the conquered state deemed valuable for its own exploitative uses in its home country.  

What had once been a self-reliant, self-sufficient state with a domestic economy dominated by self-sufficient, autarkic small agriculturalists, horticulturists, pisciculturalists and nomadic pastoralists, and the forward and backward economic industry linkages associated with each, growing, extracting and raising for their own family and local market short and long term needs, was altered by the conqueror with the better part of their domestic produce now being expropriated by the conqueror and shipped to the markets of the conquering nation-state.  

Herein, are the origins of an international political economy dominated by the conquering nation or nations.  True independence of Global Afrikan nations requires the overthrow of the conqueror and expunging of the foreign installed and foreign trained local elite along with the cultural, religious and political economic institutions of the conqueror and the complete and total re-Afrikanization and reorganization of the now liberated national political economy complete with land redistribution favoring small-holders and land tenure system reconstruction.

Frantz Fanon on 'Xenophobia'

Fanon on 'Xenophobia'

"We have said that the native bourgeoisie which comes to power uses its class aggressiveness to corner the positions formerly kept for foreigners. On the morrow of independence, in fact, it violently attacks colonial personalities: barristers, traders, landed proprietors, doctors, and higher civil servants. It will fight to the bitter end against these people "who insult our dignity as a nation." It waves aloft the notion of the nationalization and Africanization of the ruling classes. The fact is that such action will become more and more tinged by racism, until the bourgeoisie bluntly puts the problem to the government by saying "We must have these posts." They will not stop their snarling until they have taken over everyone. The working class of the towns, the masses of unemployed, the small artisans and craftsmen for their part line up behind this nationalist attitude; but in all justice let it be said, they only follow in the steps of their bourgeoisie. If the national bourgeoisie goes into competition with the Europeans, the artisans and craftsmen start a fight against non-national Africans... These foreigners are called on to leave; their shops are burned, their street stalls are wrecked, and in fact the government...commands them to go, thus giving their nationals satisfaction...If the Europeans get in the way of the intellectuals and business bourgeoisie of the young nation, for the mass of the people in the towns competition is represented principally by Africans of another nation...When the bourgeoisie's demands for a ruling class made up exclusively of Negroes or Arabs do not spring from an authentic movement of nationalization but merely correspond to an anxiety to place in the bourgeoisie's hands the power held hitherto by the foreigner, the masses on their level present the same demands, confining however the notion of Negro or Arab within certain territorial limits. Between resounding assertions of the unity of the continent and this behavior of the masses which has its inspiration in their leaders, many different attitudes may be traced. We observe a permanent seesaw between African unity, which fades quicker and quicker into the mists of oblivion, and a heartbreaking return to chauvinism in its most bitter and detestable form...For in fact, everywhere that the national bourgeoisie has failed to break through to the people as a whole, to enlighten them, and to consider all problems in the first place with regard to them—a failure due to the bourgeoisie's attitude of mistrust and to the haziness of its political tenets—everywhere that national bourgeoisie has shown itself incapable of extending its vision of the world sufficiently, we observe a falling back toward old tribal attitudes, and, furious and sick at heart, we perceive that race feeling in its most exacerbated form is triumphing."

Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 1963) pp.155-158

The Peoples of Classical Kush and Kemet

The Peoples of Classical Kush & Kemet

Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi,

Ph.D. Public Policy Analysis

“More specifically, Bantu-Kushite/Æthiopians, i.e., Afrikans, are not composed of thousands of heterogeneous ethno-national groups with distinctive, mutually exclusive cultural characteristics. A thorough Afrocentric appraisal of the multitude of Bantu-Kushite/Æthiopian Makabila [Kiswahili: Ethnic Groups], their cultures defining social institutions, mores and customs, leads to the assessment that they are subculture communities, composite societies that at one time in Global Afrikan history were social divisions of a greater Bantu-Kushite/Æthiopian national community, sharing a distinctive linguistic heritage and material and non-material culture.[1]

In the literature of the Eurasian academic disciplines of Egyptology and Nubian Studies the peoples of Bantu-  , KŠ/Ksh [Kush/Kemet: Kush], Bantu-Kushite   , IW MIRWIWЗ/Iu Miruiwa [Kush/Kemet: Island of Meroe], Bantu-Kushite , KMT/Kemet [Kush/Kemet: Land of the Blacks], Bantu-Kushite      , TЗ NTR/Ta-Netcher [Kush/Kemet: Land of the Gods], Bantu-Kushite           , S3WTY XNT MNW TINTD3M/Sauty Khent-Menu Tinet-Djam [Kush/Kemet: Asyut, Akhmim, District near Denderah: Badarian-Tasian Culture], Bantu-Kushite   , NBT/Nebt [Kush/Kemet: Ombos, Naqadah] Bantu-Kushite     , T3NHSW/Ta-Nehesu [Kush/Kemet: Kerma Culture], Bantu-Kushite , TMHW/Tjemehu [Kush/Kemet: Peoples southwest of Upper KMT/Kemet], Bantu-Kushite , THNW/Tjehenu [Kush/Kemet: Northern/Coastal Libyans, Lehabim, Lubim, R‘BW/Rabu or Rebu], Bantu-Kushite     , PWNT/Punt, [Kush/Kemet: Horn of Afrika, East Afrika coastal maritime nation]     , T3STY/Ta-Seti [Kush/Kemet: Land of the Bow], Bantu-Kushite  , NM3YW/Nemaiu [Kush/Kemet: Land south of PWNT/Punt],      , XNT HN NFR/Khent-Hen-Nefer [Kush/Kemet: Upper Kush, The Sacred Land of the Forerunners], Bantu-Kushite   , IRMTYW/Iremetiu [Kush/Kemet: Land southwest of KMT/Kemet], Bantu-Kushite , IЗM/Yam, [Kush/Kemet: Land west of KMT/Kemet] and      , WЗWЗTYW/Wawatyu [Kush/Kemet: People of Wawat] were generally ethnically homogenous nations comprised of Negroid Nubians, and Mediterranean Egyptians and Libyans. 

This text however arising from the Global Afrikan Afrocentric field of study of Afrikology surmises based on an assessment of the traditions of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi that all of these nations were Bantu-Kushite pluralists states comprised of a multitude of Bantu-Kushite Makabila who are the Wahenga na Wahenguzi Ukoo of the contemporary Bantu-Kushite Makabila of Afrika inclusive of, but not limited to the Watigrinya, Waoromia, Watigre, Wabeja, Waafar, Wasaho, Wabilen, Wanoba, Wamakorae and Wanuba, Wakunama, Wanara, Wakalenjin, Wazulu, Wahehe, Wanyakusa, Wafulani, Wabambara, Wamasai, Wasomali, Wahausa, Waigbo, Wayoruba, Wabambuti, Waashanti, Wagwari, Wasoto, Wanath, Wagbaya, Wabobo, Wahutu, Watutsi, Waxhosa, Wachewa, Washona, Wachokwe, Wawolof, Wayao, Wabemba, Wuluba, Walunda, Waluvale, Waakan, Wamandinka, Waserer, Watonga, Wakuranko, Wangombe, Watswana, Wavai, Waloko, Wakongo, Wandebele, Waswazi, Waphuthi, Wathembu, Wapondo, Wamfengu and Wangoni.”

Excerpt: Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi,             : The Book of the Tep-HesebAn Afrikological Research MethodologyBeing An Afrikological Primer in Critical Thinking, Critical Listening, Critical Speaking, Critical Questioning, Critical Writing, Critical Reading & Critical Research In Pursuit of the Re-establishment of an Afrikan Njia towards a Re-construction of Afrikan Spiritual, Cognitive, Affective, Psychomotor Physiological, Social, Cultural, Historical, Political and Economic Reality (University of New Timbuktu System SBЗ/Seba Press, 2016) pp. 92-96.

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[1] Chancellor Williams, The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race Between 4500 B.C. and 2000 A.D. (Chicago: Third World Press, 1971); Theophile Obenga, “The Genetic Linguistic Relationship Between Egyptian (Ancient Egyptian and Coptic) and Modern Negro-African Languages,” in UNESCO, The General History of Africa Studies and Documents 1: The peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of Meroitic Script Proceedings of the Symposium held in Cairo from 28 January to 3 February 1974 (Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 1978) pp. 65-72; Raul Diaz Guevara, “Pan-Africanism: A Contorted Delirium or a Pseudo-nationalist Paradigm? Revivalist Critique,” SAGE Open (April-June 2013) 3 (2): 1–13, DOI: 10.1177/2158244013484474; Fergus Sharman, Linguistic Ties between Ancient Egyptian and Bantu: Uncovering Symbiotic Affinities and Relationships in Vocabulary (Boca Raton, Florida: Universal Publishers, 2014)

Hypotheses Supporting the Cultural Unity of Global Afrikan People: We Are One People!

Excerpt: Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi,             : The Book of the Tep-HesebAn Afrikological Research MethodologyBeing An Afrikological Primer in Critical Thinking, Critical Listening, Critical Speaking, Critical Questioning, Critical Writing, Critical Reading & Critical Research In Pursuit of the Re-establishment of an Afrikan Njia towards a Re-construction of Afrikan Spiritual, Cognitive, Affective, Psychomotor Physiological, Social, Cultural, Historical, Political and Economic Reality (University of New Timbuktu System SBЗ/Seba Press, 2016) pp. 81-85.

Hypotheses Supporting the Cultural Unity of Global Afrikan People: We Are One People!

Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi, Ph.D. Public Policy Analysis

The narrative testimony of the Viasili vya Afrika [Kiswahili: Afrikan Explanations of Human Origins, Mythology] of Global Afrikan peoples, i.e., Watu Weusi now spread over the whole of the world and by inference to a Ufahamu [Kiswahili: Comprehension] of the contemporary reality of Watu Weusi as well as the rational ground for the reconstruction, development and implementation of sustainable Utamaduni defined solutions, begins for our purpose of conceptualizing the ST/Săt of this scholarly offering with the peoples of the Classical Afrikan Civilization of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Bantu-Kush [Kiswahili: High Culture of Kush, Bantu-Kushite Civilization].

To reconstruct the Mapisi [Kiswahili: History] of this ST/Săt an Afrikan , 3XWY/Akhuy [Kush/Kemet: Spiritual], cognitive, affective, psychomotor physiological, socio-cultural, social-psychological, political-economic interpretation and assessment will be made of primary and secondary authentically Global Afrikan sources including on-site evaluations of extant Global Afrikan monuments where accessible, the Viasili and , 3XWY/Akhuy [Kush/Kemet: Spiritual] texts of Afrikan peoples of the Afrikan continent and the Afrikan global dispersions, the chronicles of the Viasili vya Afrika of ancient Watu Weusi priestly archivists, the Mapisi texts of ancient Afrikan Wanamapisi [Kiswahili: Historians] and poets and archaeological evidence.

While only cursory consideration will be given to the Eurocentrically defined limitations associated with the ‘validity’ of the various Viasili vya Afrika sources, the focus will be on the comprehension, analysis, synthesis, and evaluation of the purposes, propositions, ideas, ideologies and beliefs of the evidence from an avowedly Global Afrikan socio-psychological orientation with the intent of reconstructing an authentic Global Afrikan-centered Afrocentric recollection of Mapisi ya Afrika [Kiswahili: History of Afrika], i.e., the narrative of the acts of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi [Kiswahili: the Venerated Ancestors of Ancestors], which answers to the guiding ethos of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika as distilled by the Wahenga na Wahenguzi on behalf of the Beautyful Ones Not Yet Born. 

By considering these sources as authorative it is naturally necessary to discard the socio-psychological restrictions and Utamaduni impediments of the false Eurocentric chronologies and concomitant methodologies and thus to correctly see the depth of space-time in Global Afrikan antiquity:

“…For those great pre-historic developments of civilization, and those long pre-historic ages of human activity and enterprise, which are indicated by the oldest monuments, records, and mythologies. It is impossible to study faithfully the ancient mythologies, or the results of exploration in the oldest ruins, or the fragmentary records in which the ancients speak of what to them was misty antiquity, without feeling that, to accept all they signify, we must enlarge the past far beyond the limits of any scheme of chronology known to modern times.”[1]

 

Global Afrikan knowledge, comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis and evaluation of Mapisi ya Afrika and any other subject, in order to be Afrikan-centered must begin with Global Afrikan chronicles, which utilize an Afrikan methodology, incorporate an Afrikan Utambuzi wa KD MI KD/Ked-Mi-Ked and therefore, are Afrocentric and thus an authentically Afrikan-centered way of thinking, doing and being. 

The texts inscribed in granite and written upon everlasting papyri by the Wahenga na Wahenguzi answer most definitively to this sacrosanct requisite. With these thoughts in mind it is now important to point out that this ST/Săt is grounded upon certain fundamental hypotheses. 

These hypotheses are:

H1:  

 

The Viasili vya Afrika, in particular the Viasili vya Utamaduni Mkubwa ya KMT/Kemet and the Viasili vya Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Bantu-Kushite Mycenae are comprised of the socio-cultural and historical record of the socio-political and economic acts of Global Afrikan peoples c. 15759 BKC - 3241 KC [c. 20000-1000 BCE], are written according to Global Afrikan traditional esoteric and allegorical methodologies that incorporate Global Afrikan cultural metaphors which require the decipherment of the metaphorical subject, metaphorical predicate and metaphorical entailments in the light of the comprehension of the Global Afrikan cultural metonymy and the key metaphor of Global Afrikan existence, i.e. the spiritual socio-organic metaphor and are as empirically sound a foundation for the reconstruction of Global Afrikan cognitive culture as are archeological and written historic records.

H2:

  

The Viasili vya Afrika are the chronicles of the exploits and deeds of the Bantu-Kushite Wahenga na Wahenguzi; or the ‘Gods’ of the Viasili vya Afrika are the Ancient Ancestors of the Blacks.[2]

H3: 

 

Bantu-Kushite/Æthiopians, i.e., Afrikans, are not composed of thousands of heterogeneous ethno-national Makabila [Kiswahili: Ethnic Groups] with distinctive, mutually exclusive cultural characteristics. Instead, their defining social institutions, mores and customs are subculture communities, composite societies that at one time in Global Afrikan history were social divisions of a greater Bantu-Kushite/Æthiopian national community, sharing a distinctive linguistic heritage and material and non-material culture with a regional culture hearth encompassing the lands of Upper KMT/Kemet and Lower Kush with important urban Wahenga na Wahenguzi commemoration complexes located at the border between Lower Kush and Upper KMT/Kemet on Sahel Island near the 6^th Cataract of the ITRW HPI/Iteru Hapi [Kush/Kemet: Nile River], in the Dongola Bend region of Lower Kush near the 4^th Cataract of the ITRW HPI/Iteru Hapi, at the Lower Kush capitol of   , IW MIRWIWЗ/Iu Miruiwa [Kush/Kemet: Island of Meroe] near the 1rst Cataract of the ITRW HPI/Iteru Hapi and at the Upper KMT/Kemet capitol city of WЗST/Wa-set.[3]

H4:  

The indigenous languages and autochthonous peoples of the Global Afrikan community comprise a genetic unity.[4]

H5:  

The indigenous languages and autochthonous peoples of the Global Afrikan community are derived from the multi-ethnic Afrikan Makabila which comprised Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Bantu-Kush, Utamaduni Mkubwa ya KMT/Kemet and the proto-Saharan civilization of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Maa c. 15759 BKC - 3241 KC [c. 20000-1000 BCE].

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[1] John D. Baldwin, Pre-Historic Nation; or Inquiries Concerning some of the Great Peoples and Civilizations of Antiquity, and their probable relation to a still older Civilization of the Ethiopians or Cushites of Arabia (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1877) pp. 10

[2] John D. Baldwin, Pre-Historic Nation; or Inquiries Concerning some of the Great Peoples and Civilizations of Antiquity, and their probable relation to a still older Civilization of the Ethiopians or Cushites of Arabia (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1877); Drusilla Dunjee Houston, Wonderful Ethiopians of the Ancient Cushite Empire (Oklahoma: Universal Publishing Company, 1926)

[3] Theophile Obenga, “The Genetic Linguistic Relationship Between Egyptian (Ancient Egyptian and Coptic) and Modern Negro-African Languages,” in UNESCO, The General History of Africa Studies and Documents 1: The peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of Meroitic Script Proceedings of the Symposium held in Cairo from 28 January to 3 February 1974 (Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 1978) pp. 65-72; Alfred M M'Imanyara, The Restatement of Bantu Origin and Meru History (Nairobi, Kenya: Longman Press, 1992); Kipkoeech araap Sambu, The Misiri Legend Explored: A Linguistic Inquiry into the Kalenjin People’s Oral Tradition of Ancient Egyptian Origin (Nairobi, Kenya: University of Nairobi Press, 2011); Raul Diaz Guevara, “Pan-Africanism: A Contorted Delirium or a Pseudo-nationalist Paradigm? Revivalist Critique,” SAGE Open (April-June 2013) 3 (2): 1–13 DOI: 10.1177/2158244013484474; Fergus Sharman, Linguistic Ties between Ancient Egyptian and Bantu: Uncovering Symbiotic Affinities and Relationships in Vocabulary (Boca Raton, Florida: Universal Publishers, 2014)

[4] L. Homburger, The Negro-African Languages (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Limited, 1949); William. E. Welmers, "Niger-Congo Mande," Current Trends in Linguistics 7 (1971) pp.113-140; Theophile Obenga, “The Genetic Linguistic Relationship Between Egyptian (Ancient Egyptian and Coptic) and Modern Negro-African Languages,” in UNESCO, The General History of Africa Studies and Documents 1: The peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of Meroitic Script Proceedings of the Symposium held in Cairo from 28 January to 3 February 1974 (Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 1978) pp. 65-72; Fergus Sharman, Linguistic Ties between Ancient Egyptian and Bantu: Uncovering Symbiotic Affinities and Relationships in Vocabulary (Boca Raton, Florida: Universal Publishers, 2014)

The ‘Whitening’ of North Afrika & Southwest Asia or When Did North Afrika become predominantly ‘Mediterranean’?

Excerpt: Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi,             : The Book of the Tep-HesebAn Afrikological Research MethodologyBeing An Afrikological Primer in Critical Thinking, Critical Listening, Critical Speaking, Critical Questioning, Critical Writing, Critical Reading & Critical Research In Pursuit of the Re-establishment of an Afrikan Njia towards a Re-construction of Afrikan Spiritual, Cognitive, Affective, Psychomotor Physiological, Social, Cultural, Historical, Political and Economic Reality (University of New Timbuktu System SBЗ/Seba Press, 2016) pp. 108-109.

The ‘Whitening’ of North Afrika & Southwest Asia or When Did North Afrika become predominantly ‘Mediterranean’?

Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi, Ph.D. Public Policy Analysis

“It is theorized in this text that the final phase of the period when the Watu Weusi populations of Northern Afrika inclusive of Bantu-Kushite KMT/Kemet, Southwest Asia including Bantu-Kushite KUR Ki-na-ah-na [Kiagadèki: Canaan][1] and Bantu-Kushite North and Southern Arabia, Mesopotamia including Bantu-Kushite Māt Kaldu [Kiagadèki: Ancient Chaldea], Bantu-Kushite Haltamti [Kihaltamti: Elam, Susiana], Bantu-Kushite Persia would be overwhelmed and displaced by massive foreign settler population colonization of proto-Indo-Europeans coincides with the Aryanization of Islam following the Abbasid political-economic and cultural revolution led by the Aryan Persians in c. 4991 KC [c. 750 CE].[2] 

While miscegenation had most assuredly been primarily occurring on a limited scale amongst the ruling strata of Bantu-Kushite society since the period immediately preceding the usurpation of power by Sargon of AgadèKI in Bantu-Kushite Ki-en-gir Dumu-gir Un-Sag᷈-g᷈i c. 1841 KC [c. 2400 BCE], the population movements of the proto-Indo-Europeans were held at bay by Bantu-Kushite military power perhaps best exemplified by Bantu-Kushite KMT/Kemet’s ability to repel the ‘Sea Peoples’ invasion c. 2941 KC [c. 1300 BCE]. 

Even with the final conquest of Bantu-Kushite KMT/Kemet by the Bantu-Kushite Assyrians, Bantu-Kushite Māt Kaldu, Bantu-Kushite Persians, the Hellenic Greeks and the Romans none of these setbacks included massive foreign population settler colonization.  Such mass foreign population migrations did not begin in earnest until the conquest of Bantu-Kushite KMT/Kemet by the Black Umayyad’s of Bantu-Kushite Arabia c. 4885 KC [c. 644 CE].  The Black Umayyad Empire c. 4853-4991 KC [c. 612-750 CE] under the banner of what was at the time a Black Islam created a vast empire covering two continents that included contemporary Spain, Northern Afrika, Palestine and the rest of the Arabian Peninsula, a large portion of Asian Turkey all of Mesopotamia, i.e., Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan.  

Their conquests and lack of any policies to check migratory actions by populations opened the door to vast population movements into the fertile lands of Bantu-Kushite North Afrika and Bantu-Kushite KUR Ki-na-ah-na; lands that had previously been predominantly inhabited by Watu Weusi.  With the rise of the Aryan-Persian Abbasid Dynasts and their Aryanization of Islam, the ruling strata of the Watu Weusi controlled governments, which had stretched from the Atlantic Ocean to the Islands of Oceania in the whole of the Southern Hemisphere became aryanized and strategic areas came into the possession of foreign non-Black migrant populations.  The resultant miscegenation would lead to the creation of stratified societies based on pigmentation in which the Watu Weusi would be forcibly pushed to the bottom of the social order.”

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[1] William L. Moran, The Amarna Letters (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Anson F. Rainey, Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets: A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialect Used by the Scribes from Canaan Volume 25 Handbook of Oriental Studies Section 1: The Near and Middle East Series Vol. 1-3 (Atlanta, Georgia: Society of Biblical Literature, 1995); Anson F. Rainey, The El-Amarna Correspondence: A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of El-Amarna based on Collations of all Extant Tablets Vol. I-II William M. Schniedewind and Zipora Cochavi-Rainey Editors (Boston: Brill Publishers, 2014)

[2] Wesley Muhammad, Black Arabia & The African Origin of Islam (Atlanta, GA: A-Team Publishing, 2009) pp. 194-210.

What is Scholarship?

"Predatory journals transgress all the rules of research integrity. They typically have no clear focus area. They produce huge volumes of articles – sometimes up to 200 each month while the average number for a sound, accredited journal would be ten to 15 over a two-month period. There are other clues: the method of scientific processes followed is badly written or non-existent, meaning no other researcher can replicate these studies. Authors cite themselves almost exclusively, rather than drawing on other researchers’ work. These journals’ editorial boards comprise mainly of people from unknown universities. They promise short review periods and, upon acceptance of manuscripts, an equally short time period for publication."

African Academics Prey to (Academic Journal) Predators
Adele Thomas | Published: March 29, 2016 http://www.socialsciencespace.com/20...nal-predators/

What is Scholarship?

When work is at Eurocentrically organized institutions where pseudo-scholarship or what is considered scientific by Euro-standards, is commodified this [predation in academic journals] is to be expected.

This author seems to consider the above as some of the 'unsound' practices which violate rules of research.  Which may be so given ones perspective.  When there are millions of persons in the market the supply of potential academic articles is going to outstrip the 'demand' of journals which by many universities are 'ranked' according to select imprecise measures such as journal 'prestige,' difficulty of being published in the journal and journal impact on a field of study, which in Eurocentric terms is the development of new knowledge. Obviously the rulers of the world can afford such mundane uses of scholarship- a use which preserves the status quo, for the oppressed to do it is foolishness of the highest order. Even our scholarship must be a revolutionary scholarship which grows out of the revolutionary destiny of our children and their education. The current model of peer-reviewed science: which locks one into the cognitive-affective universe of the Eurasian is an antithesis of revolutionary science which must be the hallmark of a Watu Weusi or Afrika-Nyeusi scholarship.

Considering that the peer-reviewed model of science is reductive and easily used to truncate the market place of free ideas, Watu Weusi scholars should always look askance as all science is colored through the lens of the dominant culture and seldom does anything even remotely looking like the work of Amos Wilson or Ben-Jochanan ever make it into the pages of prestigious journals. Even the articles of John Henrik Clarke for example which ended up being published in so-called prestigious 'Black' Journals were decontextualized historical pieces. If Dr. Ben-Jochanan or Dr. Wilson had locked themselves into this world of pseudo-academia, how poorer we would be in this multigenerational struggle. In the Policy sciences for example the leading journal of North America & Europe which is over a century old had published 1 article by a Black Scholar in its history as of 2005. So much for prestige, which is always a double edged sword as its degree of prestige is to a large degree based on its exclusivity of the work and thought of the Afrikan other.

Just consider the label the 'first Black/Afrikan' to publish in such and such journal and then consider the 'quality' of the work given the needs of the Afrikan Global community.  It is always either fluff or deleterious to authentic Afrikan aims. On the other hand, leading Afrikan Journals are no better when the ideas let alone the research methodology do not pass the scrutiny of western trained pseudo-scholars.  I have encountered in the East Afrikan Community scores of scholars who only considered something sound research if it was quantitative and therefore 'rigorous.'  Little wonder then that Systems Science which would at least give one the tools to deconstruct the entire system in this case the conceptual system, is not a discipline to be offered.

But let’s consider the fact that in Western parlance it is called a 'Discipline.'  Thus it has a strict regimen of cognitive-affective routines, that authoritatively controls the what, when, where and how of the process.  Remember, that Culture is cognitive-affective or a Cognitive-Culture existing in the mind and then one can see the impact of foundational training in the liberal arts 'discipline' followed by a mastery in a 'discipline' of choice.

With the peer-reviewed process which is a 'blind review' according to this writer by well-known scholars [what should always be remembered as Afrikans is what are the qualifications for being well known in academia as opposed to what the writer labels as 'people from unknown universities'] suppose when you receive the article back with suggestions for change you disagree with them, for your prestigious publications which reject a high number of articles due to their prestige the process is over for who is the unknown to disagree with the highly published well-known, well respected scholar.  Even in the idea of peer-reviewed: does the revolutionary scholar have 'peers' in the training institutions of the conqueror?

It would be better if the journals published the scholar’s article and the big name scholars perspective on its 'shortcomings,' if the unknown scholar disagreed with the big name.  'Unknown' scholar, 'Big-name' scholar. Not a big gap between that and Public Intellectuals- how did you become public?  In a world of CIA funded scholarship [F. Saunders, The Cultural Cold War (The New Press, 1999] well-known, big named scholars should always be suspect. Any scholarship which will literally if acted upon upset the status quo will never pass the mustard so to speak.  Which is why 'scholarship' was intentionally relegated to an enterprise where one adds to the existing store of knowledge.  A shitty proclamation in a world of neo-colonized knowledge and thus a scholar begins from a neo-colonized foundation.  Part of the role of this scholarship is to be neutral, objective and thus above the moral considerations, detached from Politics, unbiased, locked in an a priori world of theoretical, suppositional, deductive thinking: all of course within a cognitive box of conceptual incarceration.

Maafa Mkubwa of Global Afrikans c. 5741 KC* [c. 1500 CE – Present] Part 1

Maafa Mkubwa of Global Afrikans c. 5741 KC* [c. 1500 CE – Present] Part 1

Ambakisye-Okang Dukuzumurenyi, Ph.D. Public Policy Analysis

Demographic analysis of the Afrikan continent today by the Economists of the World Bank shows that the population of continental Afrikans c. 6255 KC [c. 2014 CE] in the “semi-liberated” areas of Afrika ya Magharibi [Kiswahili: West Afrika], Afrika ya Kusini [Kiswahili: Southern Afrika], Afrika ya Mashariki [Kiswahili: East Afrika] and Afrika ya Kati [Kiswahili: Central Afrika] was estimated to be approximately 1,100,000,000 souls.  Add to this the CIA World Factbook calculations on the number of Afrikans c. 6252 KC [c. 2011 CE] in the Caribbean, Marekani ya Kaskazini [Kiswahili: North America], Marekani ya Kusini [Kiswahili: South America], Marekani ya Kati [Kiswahili: Central America], and Ulaya [Kiswahili: Europe]: 186,422,178; and the Afrikan populations of the Dalit and Dravidian populations of India, Nepal and Pakistan: 392,500,000; plus the Afrikan peoples of Australia: 520,000; the Pacific: 8,000,000;  and the Afrikans of occupied Afrika ya Kaskazini [North Afrika- Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt]: 195,637,341 and the total Global Afrikan Population is an estimated 1,883,079,519 people out of a total world population of 6,000,000,000.[1]

Given the harsh nature of Global Afrikan life in its current occupied and dominated, neo-colonial contexts which are rife with high infant and mother mortality rates, malnutrition and other types of hunger, biological warfare such as UKIMWI: Ukosefu wa Kinga Mwilini [Kiswahili: AIDS] and vaccinations, economic and Utamaduni [Kiswahili: Culture] warfare these numbers may seem a testament to the Global Afrikan 3XW/Akhu [Kush/Kemet: Spirit] of survival, but a conclusion of that sort could only be arrived at by a socially dislocated, Utamaduni mis-oriented and ahistorical mentality.  Generally, the population increase across Global Afrika in the last fifty to eighty years, is credited to improvements in food and health systems as a direct result of Eurasian Colonization; a supposed positive outcome of the Ulaya [Kiswahili: Europe] ‘Civilizing Mission’ to the ‘Dark Continent.’ A conclusion of this nature also is devoid of Afrikan-centered historical grounding, resulting instead, from the Ulaya Colonization of all socialization agencies including schooling and information about the world.

Louis-Marie Maes-Diop [2], a demographic historian and the late wife of the Senegalese scholar Mhenga [Kiswahili: Ancestor] Cheikh Anta Diop, after a careful analysis of Afrikan continental demographic data has determined that c. 6091 KC [c. 1850 CE] the population of the continent of Afrika stood at 200,000,000 people.  According to the c. 6189-6190 KC [c. 1948-1949 CE] Afrikan Census, the population of continental Afrika was counted at being approximately 125,000,000 people.  From further study of Afrikan population density recorded in European and Aryan-Arab sources, Dr. Louis-Marie Maes-Diop determined that c. 5741 KC [c. 1500 CE] the population density of continental Afrika was 40 persons per square kilometer, which puts total population at approximately 800,000,000 people.  Therefore between c. 5741-6091 KC [c. 1500-1850 CE] the population of continental Afrika had decreased dramatically from 800,000,000 to 200,000,000 people. This precipitous drop in population was followed by another dramatic decrease in between the years c. 6091-6190 KC [c. 1850-1949 CE] when the population dropped from 200,000,000 to 125,000,000 continental Afrikans.  The entire period is what is referred to as the Maafa Mkubwa [Kiswahili: Great Suffering] of Afrikan people.

In c. 5741 KC [c. 1500 CE] continental Afrika was a densely populated continent with self-reliant, Black Afrikan controlled, egalitarian, ethnically plural, regional empires and kingdoms. The large cities of continental Afrika had populations ranging from 60,000 to 140,000 people, while towns had populations of between 1,000 and 10,000 people.  Other areas which were not organized under a centralized regional government were densely populated with large dispersed settlements organized around local forms of self-reliant political economic governance.  Also, c. 5741 KC [c. 1500 CE] is also the advent of European expansion into continental Afrika as well as the continued movement of Aryan-Arabs south coming from the northern part of the Afrikan continent.  The violent penetrations of Europeans and Aryan-Arabs led to political, economic and social dislocation of Afrika-Nyeusi [Kiswahili: Black Afrika]. The Aryan-Arab penetration was negligible until c. 5741 KC [c. 1500 CE] when mechanized weaponry provided Europeans and Aryan-Arabs with a distinct advantage over the offensive and defensive capabilities of Black Afrikan armed forces.  Advanced military weaponry allowed the Moroccans to invade and splinter the Songhai Empire in a decade c. 5742-5752 KC [c. 1591-1601 CE].

Aryan-Arab and European conquest of Afrika in search of natural resources and populations for enslavement led to the disintegration of continental Black Afrikan Kingdoms some of which implemented the policy of military raiding of neighbor kingdoms to procure the forced labour required by the Aryan-Arabs and Europeans, which would be exchanged in some cases for outmoded mechanized weaponry.  The Utamboni [Kiswahili: State of War] that ensued led to grassroots migrations, massive population shifts, which further disrupted food systems, health systems and the overall social systems of settled and nomadic continental Black Afrikan nations and communities.  The breakdown of governments and social structures created a Hobbesian state of anarchy, where small groups and individuals were forced to defend themselves against organized, foreign subsidized mercenary hordes.  The state of social disintegration created a vacuum which was filled by European and Aryan-Arab political and economic interests and in the new Utamaduni distortion gave birth to the social parasite which continues to plague Afrika-Nyeusi: the Aryan-Arab or European culturally-oriented Black Colonialist Political Collaborator class, who in order to escape the misery which abounded and to procure the pseudo-luxuries of the perceived new European and Aryan-Arab powers, in selfish interest, would serve Europeans and Aryan-Arabs, as a political class of Mercenaries, ‘forced labour’ Brokers, Wards of captive Afrikans in mini-concentration camps or temporary ‘slave’ pens, organizers and protectors of Caravans, interpreters for Europeans and Aryan-Arabs and suppliers of provisions for the European and Aryan-Arab interlopers. The continental Afrikan Nyeusi population decrease in the period of c. 5741-6190 KC [c. 1500-1949 CE] from approximately 800,000,000 to 125,000,000 people resulted from the murder of millions of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi [Kiswahili: Great Ancestors] at the hands of Afrikan Comprador Collaborators [3] in service to European and Aryan-Arab political economic interests.

Notes

*In this article two calendars will be presented as a guide to recorded events. One is the Julian calendar to which all in the Eurocentric countries and their former colonies are familiar with. Its divisions used here are BCE, Before the Common Era and CE, the Common Era. The second calendar is labeled KC, for Kemet/Kush Calendar. This Kemet/Kush calendar was based on the Sopdet Year [Sothic Cycle]. The German Egyptologist Eduard Meyer of the Berlin School of Egyptology developed the Sothic Theory in 1904. See: Eduard Meyer, Ägyptische Chronologie, (Akademie der Wissenschaften: Berlin, 1904).  The Sothic Theory is based on the 1,460 year cycle of the star Sopdet [Sirius]. The Peret Sopdet, heliacal rising of Sopdet, is mentioned in many Kemetic documents as occurring in the same observational position every 1,460 years would occur on the Wep Renpet or Kemetic New Year. The earliest Sopdet Year as calculated by Eduard Meyer occurred in c. 4241 BCE, with a second Sopdet Year occurring in c. 1461 KC [c. 2780 BCE] during the 4^th Kemetic Dynasty. Another Sopdet Year is stated to have occurred during the 12^th Dynasty in the seventh year of Per-aa Sesotris III according to the Illahun Papyrus. The Eberus Medical Papyrus also states that a Sopdet Year occurred in the ninth year of the 18^th Dynasty Per-aa Amenhotep I. By dating Afrikan history from an Afrikan time-frame the contemporary events discussed occur in the, conservatively speaking, 62^nd century of Afrikan Global history.

[1] Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook 2013-14 (Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency, 2013)

[2] Louise-Marie Maes-Diop, “Demography and History in Sub-Saharan Africa” ANKH, Journal of Egyptology and African Civilizations ANKH n°2, (April 1993), pp. 164 – 199 [http://www.ankhonline.com/revue/diop_lm_history _evolution_africa_population.htm]; Louise-Marie Maes-Diop, “The question of the Iron Age in Africa” ANKH, Journal of Egyptology and African Civilizations ANKH No. 4-5, (1995/1996), pp. 278-303 [http://www.ankhonline. com/revue/diop_lm_metallurgie_fer_afrique.htm]; Louise-Marie Maes-Diop, “Contribution of physicochemical dating to the knowledge of the past of Africa” ANKH, Journal of Egyptology and African Civilizations ANKH n° 8-9, (1999-2000), pp. 144 - 169 [http://www.ankhonline.com/revue/diop_lm_apport_datations_histoire_afrique.htm]; Louise-Marie Maes-Diop, Afrique noire, démographie, sol et histoire (Présence Africaine/ Khepera, Dakar-Paris, 1996) [Black Africa , Demographics , Land and History , Presence Africaine / Khepera , Dakar, Paris , 1996]; Louise-Marie Maes-Diop, “What slavery did to Africa” Toronto Star (Feb 3, 2008) [http://www.thestar.com/opinion/ 2008/02/03/what_slavery_did_to_africa.html]

[3] Afrikan Collaborators generally came from the ruling Aristocracy including Spiritual Priests and Priestesses, while also including members of the grassroots.